Radical Psychology
Volume Seven, 2008
Psychiatric
Slave No More:
Parallels to a Black Liberation Psychology
Lauren J. Tenney [*]
Preface
This work was inspired
by a
participatory action research project with emancipatory underpinnings
about The Opal (1851-1860). It is an
historical and theoretical exploration of the liberation process of
people
involved with modern-day psychiatric systems. It is important to
understand
that the original boundaries of this work had nothing to do with Race
and
everything to do with Liberation from Oppression. Relying on
Nigrescence
Theory, I draw parallels of the experiences people breaking free from
the
shackles of psychiatry have had and those breaking free from racist
reality in
a time post-segregation. I deepened my investigation because one person
saw
this as a “banal parallel” because it belittled the long-term negative
ramifications of slavery, the failures of Reconstruction, and
segregation. Here
I present what I have learned about the appalling racialized aspect of
the
Asylum and Psychiatric Systems, dating back to the 19th
century with
the historical drama of the Sixth Census. Of concern to this paper are
the
deeply rooted problems of how data and values have and continue to
oppress
people. It is with some hesitation that I present an analysis of
troubling
trends in public data published by the New York State Office of Mental
Health
and American Community Survey and I ask you to read it understanding
the
limitations of the data and join with me in requesting the government
service
delivery systems become more transparent. I question if it is
individual and/or
institutionalized racism of today that is at the root of the problem
that is
causing gross over-representation of people who are Black, and in some
cases,
people who are Latina/o, in court-ordered involuntary treatment. I then
move
into a discussion concerning racism in modern day systems of social,
behavior,
and thought control. It is at this point that I feel I have given
enough
information to discuss the parallels of the liberation processes.
Lastly, I
offer insight into future work. I
want to
assert that I do not use these words lightly at all and understand the
deep
implications that they hold. I believe the situation warrants these
words’
strength. Psychiatric Slavery is alive and well on Planet Earth and for
centuries it has been the mission of many who have been subjected to
the
practices, regardless of their names, to abolish them. I ask you to
join us in
our Movement for Human Rights.
Introduction
The discovery of The Opal
(1851-1860),
a ten volume,
monthly journal containing more than 3,000 pages of essays, poems,
politics of
the day, questioning of lunacy and insanity theories, and hints of a
lunatics
liberation movement spurred this work. The
Opal was written, edited, and printed by the inmates of the Utica
State
Lunatic Asylum, at the Asylums’ “Utica Print Shop,” which still
operates today.
It is interesting to note that The Opal
was printed on the same press as the American
Journal of Insanity, which is now called the American
Journal of Psychiatry, published by the American
Psychiatric Association. Further,
there is not even acknowledgement by some academics of
the sordid history of the Journal. For example, in a very concise way,
Cooper
(2007) explores Jarvis’ work, which I explore in detail below. Her
brevity
leaves large gaping holes of the culture and beliefs of the time. For
example,
she writes that she uses “articles published in the American
Journal of Psychiatry between 1844 and 1962,” even though
in her references she properly identifies the Journal of
Insanity as the source of the materials. Creating
historical research involves presenting the life and times of a people.
The
obfuscation or omission of details such as this, I believe is core to
the
problem of the modern-day system, where we routinely deny our past and
re-write
it in ways which make us
comfortable. I
discuss this in detail to offer a contextualized history.
Cooper
(2007) describes the goal of emancipatory research is to ensure
that
“good
values” are embedded into research design and theory, revealing the
murkiness
of whose truth do you use, which she determines to be a fundamental
problem of
the framework. She offers as an example of this the debate among gay
activists
concerning the genetic base of homosexuality pointing to the fact that
differing opinions about the same situation that can be found in
activists
involved in the same cause. Emancipatory research is research that is
conducted
by the group that is affected by the problem that is trying to be
understood
and out rooted. This is because it comes closest to the truth about a
situation
and she points out that this type of research is “epistemically
superior”.
However,
Cooper questions whether or not this idea of the “mentally ill” taking
over the
research process has ever even happened, but assumes at some point it
will. Thousands of calls to
society to understand the
atrocities that those in asylums or psychiatric institutions face are
made by
those who escaped or were freed. Thousands of papers may yet to be
found. Hundreds
of theories and critiques of the asylum and psychiatric systems have
routinely
been published by those who are deemed mad (Hornstein,
2005; The Opal
Project [1],
2007). The research and theory of people [2] who
have experienced oppressive conditions in the name of “insanity”
and
“mental illness” and have broken free from them long break Cooper’s
claim that
those with psychiatric histories are not doing research.
Further breaking
Cooper’s claim,
this paper [i]
is written as a companion to “Who fancies to have a Revolution here?
The Opal
Revisited (1851-1860)” (Tenney, 2006)
which was written in response to
a call
for “Psychiatric Survivor Material” made by the Journal of
Radical Psychology (2006), that reports the results of
“Can You Dig It?” a participatory action research project with
emancipatory
underpinnings (Cresswell, 2003). I
asked advocates and activists with
psychiatric histories to read through random sections of The
Opal and asked:
“What, if
anything
do you think ought to be
done with The Opal and how, if at
all, does The Opal relate to any of
your current work as an advocate and/or activist?”
Participant’s
suggestions inspired
The Opal Project [3],
which is the outcome of “Can You Dig It?
One of the The Opal
Projects’
focuses is a historical research project to find out about the Asylum
System
and to learn if there were other inmate publications in the 19th
Century. To this end, Gail Hornstein’s
(2005) bibliography of First
Person
Narratives of Madness Third Edition -- with hundreds of entries
-- dates
back to
the 17th Century has been phenomenally helpful in creating a
time
chart [4].
This historical work and courses at the Graduate Center with Doctor
William
Cross (1971; 1991, 2008), who introduced me
to a theoretical approach
to
liberation, led me to a greater understanding of theories that I now
work
within.
It is
essential to understand that the original boundaries
of this work had absolutely nothing to do with Race. The original focus
of this
work was liberation from psychiatric oppression.
In light of the
Liberation
Theology debate that has consumed large amounts of time and space in
the
coverage of the 2008 Primaries for the Presidential Campaign in the
media, this
paper is topical. There
were many authors that Reverend Wright referred to in his storm of
speeches at
the height of the controversy. Among the thinkers he cited is Woodson’s (1990/1933)
“Mis-education of
the Negro.”
Nearly a
century ago, Woodson made a statement that testifies to a long-standing
White
skin privilege:
“The parts
inhabited by the Caucasian were
treated in detail. Less
attention was given to the yellow people, still less to the red, very
little to
the brown, and practically none to the black race. Those people who are
far
removed from the physical characteristics of the Caucasians or who do
not
materially assist them in the domination or exploitation of others were
not
mentioned except to be belittled or decried” (1990/1933 p. 18)
Background
What I have suggested
through many
versions of this paper is that there are parallels between the
processes of
liberation from oppression that African Americans have been subjected
to in the
United States and the processes of liberation from oppression people in
the
psychiatric system, particularly when their involvement is on an
involuntary
status face. Perhaps it was that I have had a unique experience in life
that
got me (a White Woman) to the point of being able to immediately relate
to the
Liberation process that Cross lays out in the “Negro to Black
Conversion:
Toward a Black Liberation Psychology” (1971)
and Shades of
Black (1991) which I detail
below. So, I shared versions
of my work, which was a visceral response to the theory, with my
peers -- people
who have psychiatric histories -- to see if I was reaching.
The overall
consensus of these discussions was that I was not reaching, but others
expressed a shared experience with the processes that Cross describes,
as well.
Many of my peers who reviewed this work felt excited by adopting this
notion of
a five-stage process of liberation in explaining how people break free
from the
shackles of the psychiatric system and believed it to be valid.
In fact, part of the
title of this
article, “Psychiatric Slave No More” came from discussions the working
drafts
spurred with my peers. The fact that I drew lines in this way was
thought to be
offensive, by one person, so I imagine others might share this view. It
is certainly
not my intention to in any way minimize any one’s lived experience or
the
horrendous and shameful way the United States operates. The criticism
was that
my “banal parallel” belittled the long-term negative ramifications of
slavery,
the failures of Reconstruction, and segregation.
Using historical
evidence and the
most recent New York State Office of Mental Health’s raw data and
statistics, I
argue that very often it may be the legacy of slavery, the failure of
Reconstruction, and segregation that is causing these disparities in
over-representation of involuntary commitments and highly controlled
programs
in the African American population but question if it is individual and
institutionalized racism that exists today that is creating this
phenomenon. There
are troubling trends the data exhibits, that puts most people who
receive the
highest levels of involuntary psychiatric treatment -- with
gross
over-representation of African Americans -- in the position of a
professional
patient or psychiatric slave.
In this paper I define
a
psychiatric slave as a professional patient -- someone who spends all
of
her or
his time within psychiatric programming under court order ultimately
creating a
job for a psychiatric service provider. The notion of a psychiatric
slave was
first received as too radical to promote by some within Government
Systems
Advocacy circles. However, Psychiatric Slavery is not a new idea.
Elizabeth
Parsons Ware Packard of the 19th century draws distinctions
between
Slave owner and the asylum system:
“The insane
are permitted to be treated and regarded as having no rights that any
one is
bound to respect -- not even so much as the slaves are, for
they have
the rights
of their master’s selfish interests to shield their own rights. But the
rights
of the insane are not even shielded by the principle of selfishness.
What does
the keeper of this class care for the rights of the menials beneath
him? Nothing.
His salary is secured by law whether there be few or many under the
roof which
shelters him. Unlike the slaveholder, he can torment and abuse unto
death, and
his interests are not impaired by this wreck of human faculties.” (p. 62)
In fact, in Women of the Asylum (Geller Harris, 1994)
several authors
note
comparisons to slavery. Davis (1855)
writes, “Such patients were used
as
servants in the bad halls . . . the patients do all that part of labor
which
the attendants feel above doing” (p. 54). Elizabeth Stone
writes, the
asylum is
“a system of slavery, and any crime can be done there and covered up
under the
garb of derangement and no one interferes” (p. 39). Phylis Chesler [5],
in the forward to this compilation, described how she called for
Reparations of
one million dollars at the American Psychological Association’s annual
conference
in 1970 on behalf of the Association for Women in Psychology, citing
abuses
women have been subjected to at the hands of the system and their use
as “slave
labor in state mental asylums” and was not only unsupported but deemed
“crazy”
suffering from “penis envy” (p.
xvi).
Thomas Szasz, MD, a
Father of the
anti-psychiatry movement, has written two books on the subject of
Psychiatric
Slavery (1977/1998; 2002). Szasz (2002)
compares the psychiatric system,
particularly court-ordered, coerced, and involuntary treatment
practices with
Chattel Slavery. He illustrates professional rules of conduct found in
both
involuntary outpatient commitment and institutionalization that create
the
experiences people subjected to psychiatry have had which created for
them a
need to break free from various psychiatric systems (pp. 13-17).
The liberation of
oppressed groups
apparently makes people very concerned and militancy appears to concern
some. This
is often because of the violent
over-throw of the oppressor sentiment some of the models of
militancy
espouse. I was reminded by one of my peer reviewers about a Psychiatric
Survivor Movement button that she has worn over the years which reads,
‘Is
there a polite way to do a Revolution?’. Of course, acts of Civil
Disobedience
are part of this and another button which I have worn reads ‘Civil
Disobedience
is Self Defense’ and there have been occasions where activists have
been
arrested for seemingly uncontroversial acts such as handing out
information
about the side effects of Electroconvulsive Treatment (ECT).
While many activists
are militant
in their desire to abolish forced
psychiatric procedures and confinement and others are committed to an
abolishment of the entire
psychiatric system, these actions are consistently taken within our
rights as
American Citizens to peaceably assemble and protest for our Human
Rights and
the end of our torture and oppression at the hands of the psychiatric
system.
Importantly, Cross (1971)
acknowledges that Fanon’s model is not
practical in
changing society. Confirming this perception, David Oaks, the director
of
MindFreedom International, a human rights organization of people
involved with
psychiatric systems, continues to make calls for a Non-Violent
Revolution in Mental Health.[6]
It is such a shame
that the stigma
that those with psychiatric histories experience exists, but it is
commonly
held and portrayed in the media and the popular press that people with
psychiatric histories are violent. It is important for the general
population,
researchers, practitioners, policy makers, and those affected by
psychiatric
systems to know that recent research (Brekke,
2001) shows that people with
psychiatric histories
are actually
fourteen times more likely to be a victim of a violent crime than a
perpetrator.
The myth of the violent mental patient must be ended with apologies to
those
who have been so misconstrued. For the record, I echo Oaks’ call and
specify
that this particular Revolution toward the liberation of those involved
with
psychiatric systems be grounded in Non-Violent techniques.
Early
Traces of Institutionalized
Racism
In this
section I explore racial disparities in the Asylum System of the mid-19th
Century.
While this work was spurred by a visceral response I had
to Cross’ Liberation Theory (1971)
it begs the question, is oppression
I was
experiencing as a White Woman intensified for people who are African
Americans
and involved with the psychiatric system? I do not think I would have
been able
to understand the relevance of much of this work without Cross’ Shades
of Black
(1991) which so straightforwardly
explains much of the history on Black
Identity research and Nigrescence Theory development focusing on
personal
identity and reference group orientation.
Through
two courses I took with Doctor Cross, Black
Achievement Motivation and Black
Identity, my understanding of the worldviews, history, and deeply
rooted
culture of African Americans was enhanced. Webber’s
(1978) Deep
Like the Rivers: Education in the Slave Quarter Community,
1831-1865 holds an analysis of more than 6,000 first-hand accounts
in the
forms of autobiographies and interviews he found of people who were
stolen from
their land, held captive and forced into labor in the reality of abject
poverty,
at the threat of violence and death for non-compliance. However, within
the
Slave Quarters Webber finds a rich culture that included music, dance,
art,
religion, and education. I ask you to keep strong within you the deeply
rooted
and rich culture of African Americans as we enter this discussion that
includes
the underside of some of the most shameful times in American History.
While
the original boundaries of this work had little to do with race and
everything
to do with the experience of becoming liberated from oppression, what I
have
found about the racialized aspect of psychiatric treatment is
appalling. Comeau
and Allahar (2001), liken
psychiatry to eugenics and “sanitary science”
(p.
143) in work discussing what they term Canada’s ethnoracial identity
and
psychiatry’s role in immigration practices. This is not a stretch and
many
point to Hitler’s Aktion (Action) T4 program that killed an estimated
200,000
people with disabilities during the
Third Reich (Heberer,
2002. pp. 49-72). I was horrified to learn that there was an
argument
using
the data from the Sixth Census of the United States (1840) that slavery
kept
Africans well (Anonymous, Journal of
Insanity, 1851-1852, pp. 153-156)
and
there is a wealth of research that has been conducted to learn more
about how
this could have happened (Jarvis, 1852; Litwack, 1958; Reagan,
1973; Grob,
1978; Vander Stoep and
Link, 1998).
The Historical
Drama of the Sixth Census of the
United
States of America (1840)
The
American Journal of Insanity (1851-1852) was the authority on
insanity
and
lunacy in the 19th Century. It evolved into the staunch
authority of
the American Journal of Psychiatry
currently published by the American Psychiatric Association. Volume
VIII
includes articles ranging from the famous Kirkbride Model of guidelines
for the
construction of hospitals for the insane (p. 74) to the first
legislation for a
friend to start commitment proceedings (p. 150). Discussions of mania
(p. 88),
melancholia (p. 186), and hints to medical witnesses (p. 50) fill the
pages. There
are two articles that need attention, the first concerns data from the
Sixth
Census of the United States (1840) and arguments made about race and
involvement in the Asylum system (p. 153) and the latter to “disabuse
our
reader’s mind” (p. 278) of the materials set forth in the former.
The
first of these two articles entitled, “Startling Facts from the Census”
(pp.
153-155) was reprinted from the New York Observer without an author.
Concerning
the “Free colored population” the unmentioned author argues, “there is
something in their social condition that is entirely inimical to their
physical
prosperity” (p. 153). There was a denial of the other possibility
offered in
the text, that these people, freed from the bonds of slavery, were
“voluntarily
emigrating at a rate beyond what is generally supposed” (p. 153). The
article
offers a statistical table based off of the United States Census of
1840. To
the author, this work:
“Exhibits, in a
most striking light, the amazing
prevalence of
insanity and idiocy among our free colored population ever the whites
and the
slaves” (p. 153).
The
author notes problems in the data concerning the fact that the Census
“groups
both of these classes of unfortunates together [lunatics and idiots],
as if
they were involved in one and the same calamity” (p. 154) and expresses
wishes
for the Census takers to discern between Freedmen and Slaves. The
author notes
that an attempt to contact the Commissioner of the 1850 survey went
without
notice.
This
unnamed author notes, “it is evident that the free States are the
principal
abodes of idiocy and lunacy among the colored race” (p. 154). The chart
supplied listed the thirteen original states and Ohio and Kentucky as a
means
of comparison, “to show the same contrast between the old free and
slave states
exists in the new” (p. 155), with Kentucky having just one person who
is an
idiot or lunatic and Ohio having ten people with these labels. The
author’s
grand finale argument is made with Louisiana, a state where he reports
only one
person being listed as an idiot or insane, concluding the argument:
“In fact, the
want of sense or reason appears to
be a rare
visitation upon those who are held in slavery. This is an ample theme
for the
speculations of the physiologist and moralist.” (p. 155)
In October
1851, a decade before slavery would be abolished
in the United States, there were some who argued that slavery kept
African’s
‘well’ and the American Journal of
Insanity, without any indication of its disagreement, published it.
To
contextualize the relevance of this, the American
Journal of Insanity is now the American
Journal of Psychiatry and if one goes to their website, one can see
the
article for oneself. The publisher, the American Psychiatric
Association has
not, to my knowledge, released a retraction of the report. In other
words,
there is still no disclaimer for the senseless, stigmatizing material
that was
published and corrected by Jarvis in later articles in the Journal of
Insanity
(1852a; 1852b).
If Edward Jarvis, M.D., (1852a)
had
not taken the time to realize the grave mistakes of the Sixth Census of
the
United States, which became the basis of a pro-slavery propaganda
campaign; and
if Jarvis had not wrote a response
article with such clarity of the problem, which in fairness to the
Journal of
Insanity, was published in the same volume in the January, 1852 edition
of the
Journal, which I will discuss in a moment; then,
there may have never been a second look at the census data, which was
unconditionally and conclusively wrong. Please understand that had
Jarvis not
pointed out the flaws in the data set of the Sixth Census of the United
States,
the prevailing view of alienists, physicians, and moralists, may have
been
maintained with the idea that slavery had a “wonderful influence” on
Africans
who were Slaves because there were more incidences of idiocy and lunacy
in the
North than the South. (Litwack, 1958; Regan, 1973). What a thing for
doctors
and moralists to support!
But, not
all doctors did support it once it was realized the data was incorrect.
Jarvis
(1852a) delineates that a handful of communications had actually
occurred
concerning the census data. One such communication remains a valued
part of the
history of the American Statistical Association -- an 1845
memorial to
Congress
from the organization in its founding years pointing out the flaws of
the
Census data. For the benefit of removing any further questions about
the
erroneous data, Jarvis (1852a) explains
that the Census data first
appeared in
1841, and that the writer of these ‘startling facts’ was not giving any
new
information as the data “published in The Observer were published in
several
journals, newspapers, and in some of the lunatic hospital reports” (p.
269). Jarvis
explains how the data was so contrary to what was known that some
people made a
deeper investigation into the situation, literally tracking back to the
original Census data that had been acquired from families across the
Northern
states.
At the
time, according to Regan (1973) the
family was still the level of how
data was
enumerated by Census takers. It was not until the Seventh Census that
data was
collected at the level of the individual. Jarvis is reported to be a
significant player in the redesign of what would be known as the modern
Census
in 1850, 1860, and 1870 by the American Statistical Association and
others
(Litwack, 1985; Tenzer, 2000). Speaking on the Seventh
Census, Jarvis
writes:
“But it is
now hoped
that
the seventh census, that of 1850, will not fail as did its predecessor
. . .
such as the government can honestly offer to the people, and such as we
shall
not be ashamed to present to foreign nations.” (p. 282)
Jarvis
is known as the father of psychiatric epidemiology (Vander Stoep and
Link,
1998; Grob, 1978). Vander Stoep and
Link, however point out flaws
Jarvis made
in his analysis of Irish immigrants to Massachusetts, even after Jarvis
uncovered one of the gravest mistakes of the use of Census data
(1852a).
According to Litwack (1958), in 1845,
Jarvis reports that the American
Statistical Association, just six years old, prepared a Memorial to
Congress
outlining the flaws of the Sixth Census of the United States, asking to
“disavow the whole, and cause another and correct one to be prepared
and
published” (p. 269). What Jarvis did not
report, in my reading of his
work of
1852, “Insanity and the Colored Race”, (1852a)
was that he was on the
committee
that wrote the memorial. Litwack reports that Jarvis’ repeated attempts
to have
the data dismissed fell on deaf ears. This is important because
pro-slavery
propaganda and policy was argued and created based on what Tenzer
(2000) termed
“fraudulent statistics on ‘Free Colored’ insanity sanctioned by the
federal
government [7]”
and points to the long
history of institutionalized racism.
An
example of this cited by Litwack (1958);
Regan (1973); and Tenzer
(2000) is
John Calhoun’s, Secretary of State’s letter to the British government
offering
the 1840 Census as proof of the benefits of slavery and rejection of
the
federal government outlawing slavery in the newly acquired Texas,
ultimately
leaving it to a ‘local issue’. Litwack quotes Calhoun’s letter stating:
“The condition
of the [free] African, instead of
becoming improved
has become worse. They have been invariably sunk into vice and
pauperism,
accompanied by the mental inflictions incident thereto - deafness,
blindness,
insanity, and idiocy -- to a degree without example.” (p.
265)
This was
popular thought at the time and the American
Statistical Association (ASA) felt a base responsibility to make sure
the
statistics were accurate, and let it be known that they were not.
According to
the ASA website, Jarvis served as President of the American Statistical
Association for the thirty years beginning 1852, the year his article,
“Insanity of the Colored Race” was published in the Journal
of Insanity.
Opal Regan
(1978) points out that Jarvis had actually first
written of the census data in 1842 stating that slavery had a
“wonderful
influence” on slaves. I have been unsuccessful, thus far, in finding
this
article, entitled, “Statistics of Insanity in the United States”
printed in the
Boston Medical and Surgical Journal XXVII, in 1842, but discovered
another
article that also focused on that quote, but expanded it. Litwack
writes that
Jarvis actually wrote that slavery had a “wonderful influence upon the
development of moral faculties and the intellectual powers” (pp.
265-266). Upon
realizing the deficits of the data, his focus changes from the power of
slavery
having a “wonderful influence” on Africans to a deep examination of the
flaws
in the Sixth Census. Both Regan and Litwack explore the blatant errors
of the
Census, citing Jarvis’ later work. They both expand the discussion and
offer
how damaging the mistakes in the Census were to the Abolitionist
movement, as
those who were pro-slavery were now using the Census data as propaganda
for
their cause.
Steckel
(1991) literally runs through this period of time
in his discussion of the efficacy of census data in historical inquiry.
His
point clearly has nothing to do with insanity or racism, but the
quality of
Census data and that serious problems occurred in early attempts at
enumerating
the population. I find some discrepancy between his descriptions of the
population schedules, which he lists as being on two ages with 80
columns
(Steckel, p. 583) and Jarvis, who
reported the schedule being 74
columns wide,
explaining, “It required much discipline, therefore, to follow with the
eye,
any column from its title, at its head, to its place of entry below”
(Jarvis,
1852a, p. 271). An example of such an error is in one family, it
was
listed
that there were “one hundred and thirty-three colored lunatics,” but it
is also
stated that in that particular family, “there were no colored persons
at all”
(p. 272). This scenario was repeated so
many times that it added to the
movement of rejecting the findings of the Sixth Census in full. Human
error is
one of the simplest and most benign reasons the data was so wrong. Case
in
point, Steckel is quoting information from another author, (Cohen,
1978, p.
193) and this might explain some of the discrepancies.
Nevertheless,
Steckel’s point concerning the under-or
over-enumeration of people remained a problem throughout the 1850,
1860, and
1870 census periods and I would argue, remains an issue today. Regan (1973)
outlines,
as does the American Statistical Association’s website [8],
that the years Jarvis
served as the ASA’s president he is also credited for contributing to
the
development of the decennial Census. Steckel’s overall opinion of the
Census as
a means of extracting data is not very high, but he cannot argue that
the data
is not widely used. He offers statistical strategies for internal and
external
checks and balances including concrete suggestions for the use of
technology to
re-enumerate the population from the 19th century. What
Steckel
urges the historian who uses Census data to do is “not view them beyond
reproach” (p. 593).
The case of
the 1840 Census speaks exactly to this mess and
that is why the 1850 Census, or the Seventh Census is known as the
Modern
Census because information collection moved from the level of the
family to the
level of the individual. Steckel also warns of implications of research
at the
individual level -- and that it is different than research
at the
National
level. I think he and Bronfenbrenner
(1979) would have gotten along
nicely,
concerning Systems Theory, understanding that at the micro level
-- or
the
system of the individual is much different than the systems that
surround her
in ecological concentric circles.
Steckel urges
that for accuracy, the use of technology to
re-enumerate the Census data from earlier centuries is essential. It is
also
imperative to pay particular attention to the fact that people whom
were poor,
uneducated, living in urban environments, or immigrants might find it
particularly hard to even be counted. Even in our 21st
Century
attempts at enumerating the population, these factors remain. For this
work, it
is important to note that in the 2000 Census people in institutions
were not
counted.
Cooper’s
(2007) draft chapter, which she disclaims may
differ from its final form, is about how values influence psychiatric
research
which she determines is different than psychiatric practice but
specifies that
those judgments are not “at hand” implying that judgments made by
psychiatrists
in session are acceptable -- an issue I strongly disagree
with. In her
current
work she focuses on gender and race as examples of how disenfranchised
groups
have suffered for poor psychiatric theory. She offers methods one can
use to
present historical data, and I appreciate the option of simple raw
data. She
makes very valuable points concerning the use of historical theory,
data, and
practice -- and that is not just one paper that ought to be
examined,
but the
body of work from the historical period that ought to be examined. Even
though
I find this as the research for this paper comes to an end, I have
worked hard
to use this technique in the current work and traversing centuries is
no easy
task.
Historical
Roots of
Racism in Systems of Social, Behavior, and Thought Control
The Quakers,
or the “Friends” have long been associated
with the liberation and education of oppressed groups. Woodson (2007/1919)
explains
in The Education of the Negro Prior to
1861 that it was the Quakers who filed the “first protest against
slavery
in Protestant America” in 1688 (p. 27). He illustrates how the Quakers
were
involved in developing the first educational systems for Slaves. Of
course,
Woodson, like Foucault, indicates that the goal of this education was
to create
ministries for the religion -- and Woodson cites Locke’s
Anti-Slavery
(p. 30)
stating that by 1713 there was a, “definite scheme for freeing and
returning
them to Africa after having been educated and trained to serve as
missionaries
on that continent” (p. 28) created. Woodson reports that the Quakers
had
succeeded in their mission to educate Slaves and were operating schools
for the
Slaves in North Carolina by 1731 -- which allowed for
“household
servants” to be
given the rudiments of an English Education (p. 29). This of course
caused much
controversy over the years, and in other work, I further explore this
and the
larger implications of Reconstruction and educational systems.
Unlike the 18th
century education of the Slave,
in the 19th centuries, the Quakers, particularly through
Tuke,
developed a “Moral Treatment” in where work -- not
education -- would be
the
salvation of the mad. outlines the deep history of power in these
systems,
describing a phenomenon of how the policy of reformers reverted to
unspeakable
conditions that we see in the American System in The Great Confinement
(pp.
38-64). Speaking of the European system, he writes “In a hundred and
fifty
years, confinement has become the abusive amalgam of heterogeneous
elements”
(p. 74). Foucault (1965) rails against
this idea that physicians and
constructors of
madness were liberators and saw Pinel and Tuke as doing little more
than
peddling morality (p. 197) and
“philanthropy” (p. 243) even though they
came
from entirely different frameworks of religion and medicine, their
ultimate
goal was to restore society. Barchilon, in the
Introduction to
Foucault’s
work suggests that Pinel went further and saw something extraordinary
about the
physical bodies of the mad -- as they were routinely able
to withstand
being
naked, chained, and cold with no ill effect and suggests that Pinel
questioned
“Didn’t they have too much animal spirit in them? (p. viii).
Despite
the struggle faced by the current psychiatric liberation and even
consumer and
peer movements to gain access to those inside the walls of
institutions,
patients and ex-patients working inside of Asylum Systems is nothing
new. Jean-Baptiste
Pussin, who was superintendent of the Bicetere Asylum, in France in the
18th
Century implemented a no-restraint policy. He had been successfully
treated
there earlier and was then hired to run the place. Phillipe Pinel was
in charge
of Sapaleteire Hospital, after visiting the Bicetere and seeing that
there were
alternative ways of creating the environments of the Asylum, he hired
Pussin to
change the culture of his institution to meet the requirements of a
no-restraint environment. Though Pinel is credited for establishing
Restraint-Free Asylums in the 18th century, he acknowledges it was
Pussin who
had the idea and implemented it first (The
Opal, 1852; Weiner, 1979).
What
Pinel truly invented was the waistcoat -- or the
straightjacket. Despite
their
knowledge of this, the Opalians celebrated Pinel’s birthday
-- as a
great
liberator -- the Doctor who a century before freed the inmates from
chains -- and
they wrote pages about his and Pussin’s work in The Opal.
Foucault
highlights the dangers of using legendary historical
figures to determine present and future practices. He ascribed to Pinel
and
Tuke a “mythical value which nineteenth-century psychiatry would accept
as
obvious in nature” (p. 243). However, he
sees the approaches of the
Quaker’s
Moral Treatment, Pinel’s medicine, and the creation of madness as
simply other
types of oppression. Foucault rejected the idea that liberation was the
goal of
the asylum and writes that “Tuke created an asylum where he substituted
for the
free terror of madness the stifling anguish of responsibility; fear no
longer
reigned on the other side of the prison gates, it now raged under the
seals of
experience” (p. 247).
Szasz (2002)
echoes this railing, though he does not
discuss Foucault’s work and it creates a sad illustration of how the
Opalians
could be viewed as having been liberated by oppression. Although some
Opalians,
like the Editor of 1852 called for “revolution” (The Opal,
p. 28) there
was an acceptance of assigned diagnosis that is found in the mentality
of
consumerism in modern times. Both Foucault and Szasz (2002) illustrates
how
moralists,
alienists, and psychiatrists have segregated this community of people
from the
rest of society as “sick” -- to be cured with religion,
work, or medical
treatment -- from a “disease” that has never been proven to
exist (p.
14). Frame
this within the work of Rush (1799) and
Cartwright (1851) and we get a
further
idea of just how depraved what would become modern-day psychiatry, was.
Part
Three of Vanessa Jackson’s Monograph Series (2001),
“African American
Stories
of Oppression, Survival, and Recovery in Mental Health Systems” details
many of
the atrocities this population has had to overcome as a people. Doctor
Benjamin
Rush, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, was also
an
inventor. For example, he invented the Tranquilizer Chair - which was
quite
different than the Rotary Machine Foucault discusses that spun the
inmate
around so “melancholic rigidity gave way to manic agitation” which he
reports
was used more as a punishment and threat than treatment (Foucault, 1965, p.
177).
The
Tranquilizer Chair as described by Whitaker
(2002) was a restraining
device
that had a sliding back that could be adjusted to the inmates’ height.
Once
seated in the chair, the back was positioned so that a wood padded box
would go
over the inmates’ head, preventing movement. There was a door at the
front of
the box that would allow medical staff to see the inmates’ face. There
were two
leather belts that went around the stomach and chest. The arms and legs
were
strapped down to the chair, rendering the inmate immobile. Finally, a
hole was
cut at the bottom of the chair, with a bucket attached to it, to allow
inmates
to empty their bladders or defecate without having to be removed from
the
chair. Inmates were left in the Tranquilizer chair for extreme periods
of time
as a form of treatment, to teach ‘excitable’ inmates how to control
themselves
and reduce the level of stimuli they were exposed to (pp. 14-16).
Two
diseases
Cartwright details
are particularly troubling: Drapetomania and Dysaesthesia Aethiopica.
Drapetomania
was a disease of the mind that caused slaves to run away. Symptoms of
Drapetomania included a “sulky disposition and dissatisfying behavior”
(Jackson, 2001, pp. 4-5). Cartwright (1851, pp. 707-709) outlines this
disease of wanting to be free (remember, Rush,
1799 warned of this) and actually states that "they are easily
governed" when well cared for and that they must always be oppressed,
subservient, treated like children, and "punished until they fall into
that submissive state which it was intended for them to occupy" (p.
709). All of this, says Cartwright is to "prevent and cure them
[Slaves] from running away" (p. 709).
Ferns and Cochrane (2004)
write,
“The
diagnosable signs included disobedience, answering disrespectfully,
refusing to work, and deliberate damage toequipment and tools. The
"cure" was
putting the person to some kind of hard labor which apparently sent
"vitalized blood to the
brain to give liberty to the mind" (p. 9).
The
cure for this rascality was hard labor and whippings. In light of this
idea of
physicians liberating the mind, we see how important Jarvis’ work to
debunk the
Census of 1840 was. Foucault and Szasz are not exaggerating how some
doctors’
view their work. In fact, as recently as 2007, Link and
Castilles, in an oral presentation to
the World
Psychiatric Association, thematic conference on Coercive Treatment in
Psychiatry in Dresden, Germany, report a unique study on the
perspectives of
enrollees in the Assisted Outpatient Treatment program, otherwise known
as
Involuntary Outpatient Commitment. They find the “case manager assists
the recipient
in gaining more control over his life and may facilitate an improved
quality of
life.” (Link and Castilles, 2007,
p. p. S85). This gives evidence to the
“liberation
by
oppression” mentality that Szasz (2002)
and Foucault (1965) explore.
In a
presentation of her work at the Library of Science and Technology, with
the
backdrop of Penney and Stastny’s Suitcase Exhibit in New York
City in
November, 2007, Jackson
asks -- “What do these diagnoses remind you
of?”
Her
answer, “Oppositional Defiance Disorder” a diagnosis whose DSM IV-TR
symptoms
fits practically part and parcel with the 1850s version of Rascality.
Diagnostic code, 313.81 Oppositional Defiance Disorder is often
attached to any
young person who challenges the status quo -- especially if they run
away from a
treatment facility. Other thinkers throughout time have explored this
sentiment
that Jackson was shedding light on: psychiatry is a system of
oppression.
In Liberation by Oppression,
psychiatrist
and social commentator, Thomas Szasz (2002),
further calls out the
complicated
relationships between Chattel Slavery and psychiatric slavery not only
for
Black people in the 19th century, but for White people who were
abolitionists,
as well. Szasz outlines how famed abolitionist, John Brown was offered
an insanity
defense when he faced the gallows. Brown, who he describes as “incensed
at the
idea”, lost his trial and was eulogized by Frederick Douglas in this
way: “Mine
was as the taper light; his was as the burning sun. I could live for
the slave;
John Brown could die for him” (p. 53). For
Szasz there is little
distinction
between Chattel Slavery and Psychiatric Slavery and he asserts that
until the
stereotype of the dangerous mental patient is removed from society’s
mind,
psychiatric slavery will not cease. He argues that psychiatric reforms
are
simply activities in “prettifying plantations” and asserts that
“Slavery cannot
be reformed - it can only be abolished” (p. 5).
Troubling
Trends in
Current OMH Public Data
Below I
discuss what I have found out about the racialized aspect of
involuntary
psychiatric treatment and this new knowledge I have acquired is
appalling. However, one has to ask, how much about this
situation is
stemmed from racial disparities and cultural incompetence and how much
about
this situation is about economics, lack of social capital and education
(Saegert, et al, 2001)?
In general, I have had little success answering
these
questions because while the Office of Mental Health publishes some
characteristics of the people it serves, such as socio-demographic data
of age,
race, gender, and geographic location, it does not publish data about
economics, education status, or general health. This leaves some
arguing
institutionalized racism is an intellectual fallacy. In light of what I
have learned
from this review, I see this argument as little more than a deep denial
of
racial disparities in American culture.
As a person aware of
her
societally-assigned White Skin Privilege to escape the gaze of hate
(Fanon,
1967, p. 110) and the blunting effects of racial discrimination (Cross,
1991),
I am interested to know if racism -- either individual or
institutional -- intensifies
the possibility of forced or involuntary psychiatric experiences for
individuals who already fight to overcome racial discrimination. There
is a
long history of institutionalized racism and psychiatric treatments and
programs and while it is not as pronounced as it was in the decades
prior to
the Civil War (Cartwright, 1851;
Jarvis, 1852a; Jarvis, 1852b; Rush,
1799) cultural
(in)competence and racial disparities are commonly encountered within
psychiatric systems. It is important to view this current work within
the
context of the New York State Office of Mental Health’s “D” of the
“ABCD’s of
Mental Health Care” and the inclusion of “D” in goals of their
strategic plans
for adults and children’s (draft) plans:
“Disparities
Elimination and
Cultural Competence, whereby all service components are held
accountable to
address disparities in access to and participation in services,
differences are
managed skillfully, cultural knowledge is absorbed organizationally,
language
assistance services are provided routinely, and service modifications
are made
to take into account the diversity of individuals, families and
communities.”
(New York State
Office of Mental Health, Comprehensive Statewide Plan for Mental
Health
Services, 2007).
As
illustrated by the need for the addition of these “Disparities
Elimination and
Cultural Competence” goals into OMH’s overall goals, it is widely
accepted that
access to services is a tremendous barrier that people face in getting
services
in the psychiatric system for people who are economically
disadvantaged, many
who are people of color, (Geronimous
and Thompson, 2004; Sabshin, et
al, 1970).
Not as accepted is the idea that institutionalized racism is engaging
more
people of color in the highest levels of court-ordered and involuntary
services. Wilkinson (1970) warns,
“Well intended plans to eradicate
these
disparities may prove to be destructive instead” (p. 1087). An example
of this
can be found in the OMH’s Patient Characteristic Surveys (PCS, 1999;
2001;
2003; 2005; 2007 [9])
which illustrate some disturbing trends in who gets what types of
services.
Issues of using Census
data, which
I discussed above, complicate the problem of making any statements
about the
data that OMH produces. One of the biggest obstacles of using Census
data,
removing the general problems of whom Census Takers reach, is that the
Census
does not enumerate people in institutions -- many of the
people we
discuss below.
Finally, this data in no way allows for people who are receiving
psychiatric
services (such as pharmacology) through their private physicians or all
of the
untold “private” or “cash-only” services of people who want no record
of
receiving psychiatric services. Further complicating the issue, since
this
paper was originally submitted, OMH has changed the way it presents its
public
data. For example, racial demographics of AOT “recipients” are now
presented as
“Race/Ethnicity Distribution of AOT recipients since November, 1999"
[10] as opposed to quarterly statistics.
Vander Stoep and Link
(1998)
published an article reviewing other wrong conclusions Jarvis had made
concerning Irish immigrants being diagnosed at a greater rate with
Insanity
than in the General population of Massachusetts. So, I ask you to read
the data
below with a skeptical eye and question, as I do, what these trends are
about.
The Assisted
Outpatient Treatment (AOT) initiative - otherwise known as Involuntary
Outpatient Commitment - is a program carried out by OMH to meet the
requirements of Kendra’s Law which requires people to comply with
pharmacological management while in the community at the threat of
institutionalization for non-compliance. In a 2005 report from The New
York
Lawyers for the Public Interest. entitled, “Implementation of
‘Kendra’s
Law’ is Severely Biased” racial discrimination in the psychiatric
system is
addressed, noting that Blacks made up 16% of the general population,
but 24% of
those with a label of “Serious and Persistently Mentally Ill”.
Even taking into
account the
hurdles of number crunching [ii],
there is the appearance of gross racial disparities in psychiatric
services in
New York State. According
to the now-unavailable OMH published report on characteristics of
enrollees of
Assisted Outpatient Treatment (AOT) [11],
people who are Black -- and
in some boroughs people who are Hispanic (read: Latina/o) -- in New
York
City are
consistently over-represented within involuntary psychiatric treatment
through
this infantilizing and coercive measure for treatment compliance
-- to
be a
professional patient -- a psychiatric slave. These reports
have been
replaced by
“distribution rates since 1999”, according to this data currently
available
through OMH [12],
the distribution of race/ethnicity
of people
subjected to AOT in New York City Region since 1999 also show clear
disparities
when compared to demographics in the 2006 American Community Survey
[13].
Table 1.
Percent comparison of racial demographics of New York City as compared
to Racial Characteristics of those enrolled in Involuntary Outpatient
Commitment (AOT) since 1999.
Race
NYC†
AOT††
Difference
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
White
43.9%
23% +20.9
Black
25.1%
40% -14.9
Hispanic 27.6%
34%
- 6.4
Asian
11.7%
3% + 8.7
† Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2005 American Community Survey, using
table that asked both race and whether Hispanic, this is similar to how
OMH now asks its respondents their race & ethnicity
†† Retrieved July 31, 2008 from http://bi.omh.state.ny.us/aot/characteristics.
As is
evident in Table 2, the relative number of Black people required to
comply with
AOT are much higher than the relative number of Black people in the
general
population; the percent of Black people in AOT can reach over three
times the
percent of Black people within the general population. This gross
disparity is
less pronounced among Hispanic people. Note that the percent of White
and Asian
people in involuntary treatment is
always lower than the percent of Whites and Asian people in the general
population.
While these trends are
intriguing,
it is clear there are efforts by the New York State Office of Mental
Health to
complicate analysis of data it publishes by continually changing the
way it
presents data and taking down data that it once made available, as
illustrated
by Table 2. In light of the incorrect statistics of the Sixth Census
and their
subsequent horrific uses, what we really need is more complete data
that better
describes the human condition and the economic realities of this Brave
New
World we are living in. With gasoline prices nearly five
(5)
dollars a gallon in New York State, it is as essential to understand
the
difference between economic hardship and what is perceived as
psychiatric
disorder as well as the difference between different cultural values
and
psychiatric disorder. We must guard against racist practices in any
type of
government services, but especially those that are compelled, coerced,
or
court-ordered. Please, join with me in calls to psychiatric systems
around the
world to improve data collection methods and fidelity to them in
practice -- and
release it - as Jarvis outlined hopes for in the 19th
century (1852a,
pp. 331-361).
Racism
in Modern
Day Systems of Social, Behavior, and Thought Control
Pinderhughes
(1969) explores how language not
involving race
associates “black” as symbolizing those things negative (i.e “evil”)
and
“white” as those things positive (i.e. “good”) has created a societal
paranoia
that extends to race. Exploring the Black Power movement, he suggests
that it
is a necessary “sociotherapy” (p. 1555) movement to change the image of
Blacks,
by Blacks and for Blacks, stating, “What most Whites perceive as an
orderly
American social system, most Blacks experience as an unresponsive,
unremitting,
dehumanized, well-rationalized, quiet courteous, institutionalized
violence not
unlike colonialism” (p. 1555). Just two years later, Cross’ (1971)
liberation
psychology, which became known as the Psychology
of Nigrescence (1978;
1991), is
published in Black World. It outlines
a five-stage process in which people go through to overcome oppression,
with
the conversion being from “Negro” to “Black”. One of the quotes of a
participant
in the development of his theory showed how the movement evolved,
“Black power
must be more than group therapy. To be effective it must be programmed”
(p.
14). Ultimately, it is accepted that for the way people viewed
themselves to
change, the world had to change -- and language had a lot
to do with it.
According to Cross, Nigrescence is
simply, “the process of becoming black” (1991,
p. 157). Cross
distinguishes his
model from Fanon’s in that Fanon’s model of militancy required war with
the
enemy to acquire “total freedom” -- something we have yet
to achieve --
and he
asks the readers to “note the emphasis” on this is a model of
“psychological
liberation under conditions of oppression” (1971, p. 14).
Ahluwlia
(2003) discussion of hegemony of the
“White nation” included a scene
from
Fanon’s (1967, p. 110) Black
Skins, White
Masks, where he describes Fanon’s encounter with the White child.
Ahluwlia
breaks the encounter itself into three stages. In the first stage of
the
encounter, he cites Fanon, “I made up my mind to laugh myself to tears,
but
laughter has become impossible (p. 344). To me this is a clear example
of
buffering, one of the enactments outlined by Strauss and Cross,
(2005). Buffering
is an act of protecting oneself from “the full brunt of a hostile,
aggressive,
threatening, racist person or situation” (p. 70). Ahluwalia argues that
the
second stage of the encounter is facing the truth of the racist
experience. Fanon
is reduced to a nauseated state, “It is this nausea which forces him to
conclude
that he has indeed interpreted the gaze for what it represents
--
‘hate’” (p.
344). The third stage of the encounter is where I see Ahluwalia
describing
Fanon moving from the pre-encounter stage to the encounter stage
outlined by
Cross:
“It is in the
third stage of the encounter that
the mood changes
from being disempowered by nausea to the recognition of being trapped,
injured,
and most importantly of the possibility to break out of that condition,
to be a
‘man among other men’” (p. 1971; 1991).
Perhaps
this is why there is such fluidity in Cross’ Black Liberation model. He
explains, “Blackness is a state of mind” and that it is dynamic
not static (p.
14). If it is true that each of these stages could have stages of their
own, a
linear progression is impossible. This idea of a variation of stages
also was
addressed by Parham (1989) with his
ideas of cycling through different
phases
of Nigrescence at different points of life, dependent on life
circumstance, the
environment, and larger socio-political climate one finds oneself in
three
stages of life, young adulthood, adulthood, and senior years.
Questions
I still have include: Can one do anything other than buffer at a
pre-encounter
stage? At what rate do people at pre-encounter stage buffer as opposed
to carry
out other enactments described by Strauss and Cross (2005)
and bond,
bridge,
code-switch or even act as an individual? I guess people must have to
go beyond
this one dimension; otherwise, the implications would be so bleak
--
that
without that awareness, precious exchanges between individuals would
not be
able to occur at all. However, if I believe I am “mentally ill”
-- a
ticking
time bomb, waiting to go off (to borrow a phrase of the news); that it
is best
that I have minimal socialization and that my socialization ought to be
confined to others who also are diagnosed with this calamity, and that
I ought
to even contemplate sterilization, what are my odds of really
developing a
relationship with another in any way other than buffering? I realize
that the
need to buffer ordinarily has little to do with the person, as it is in
response to a racist or discriminatory situation due to the environment
or
interactions one has. So, while it might be less likely that someone at
a
post-encounter stage might not need to buffer as often as those in a
pre-encounter stage, they are not exempt from the need to protect
themselves
from incidences of racism and discrimination, which we see, are still
pervasive
throughout societies.
Keeping
in mind that the Patient Characteristic Survey encompasses both the
public and
private psychiatric systems, my questions in addition to the ones asked
above
include: why are there such marked racial disparities concerning who
receives
which kinds of treatments? To me, these statistics indicate individual,
institutional or cultural racism outlined by Jones et al. (1997) and discussed
by
Utsey and his colleagues (2000). Geronimous and Thompson
(2004) explain
how
cultural oppression has created the structuring forces of health as an
economic
issue. They warn of the “economic assumption” stating it “is
problematic when
considering racial disparities in health, not only because it promotes
‘victim
blaming’ or ‘ameliorative’ interventions, but also because at best, it
ignores
the culturally mediated, psychosocial aspects of health” (p. 254).
Racial
inequalities and economic disparities are evident. Geronimus and
Thompson call
for a restructuring of society stating, “Those hoping to eliminate
racial
health inequality must be responsive to the evidence that African
Americans of
all social classes pay a disproportionately high price in
stress-related
disease for their membership in American society” (p. 257). This is
probably
most evident in how few African American people over 75 years of age
there are,
barely one-third (539), compared to White people (3,092), who are
present in
the Patient Characteristic Survey of 2005 (OMH, 2007). It is important
to note
that people who are Latina and Latino are even less represented over 75
years
old (499).
Empowerment
is another issue that Geronimus and Thompson (2004) deal with in
several ways.
The
seven examples offered as risks that “exacerbate weathering and
increase
allostatic load” include “feelings of stigma and frustration or anger
at racial
injustice” (p. 258). This is key to understanding why programming that
privileges empowerment, like self help, mutual assistance, and
advocacy, are so
essential and why it is such a travesty that it is not routinely and
genuinely
available to people. The weathering model offers an alterative
perspective to
why the structures of the social system have to change. It
“suggests that
behaviors such as smoking, poor
diets and sedentary
lifestyle may be secondary to the constraints or stresses of everyday
life, or
may interact with allostatic load to produce adverse health
outcomes”(p. 258).
In an
era that is post the National Association of State Mental Health
Program
Directors study on the Morbidity/Mortality rate of people with a
psychiatric
diagnosis (2006) this alternative framework of the weathering model
becomes
even more important. Right now cigarettes, caffeine, and sugar, are
being
outlawed in psychiatric facilities because the report shows an average
of 25
years of loss of life for people with psychiatric diagnoses. The
Federal,
State, and Local Government Units are rolling out neoliberal health
plans such
as the New York State Office of Mental Health’s Life SPAN (Stop
Smoking;
Practice Prevention; Increase Activity; and Improve Nutrition) putting
the
weight of responsibility for early death on those labeled with a
psychiatric
disorder while ignoring large segments of the report that point to the
deleterious side effects of medications, including Tardive Dyskinesia,
Neuroleptic Malignant Syndrome, Liver and Kidney failure, Diabetes,
Brain
Damage, and Suicide, to name a few. Racial disparities need to be and
in some
states, like New York, are being addressed (OMH Comprehensive Plan,
2007).
Harrell
(2000) clearly outlines the detrimental
effects of racism-related
stress for
people of color. She points out that “mental health practitioners have
had
little systematic guidance in exploring the ways that racism may
influence
their clients’ well-being” (p. 42). Her review of definitions of racism
begins
to bring into focus the enormity of the issue and its pervasive nature,
happening with or without intention, in a multitude of contexts and
relates
these experiences to the level of exposure a person has to racist or
racialized
situations. Race-related stress that a person experiences in their
transactions
with the environment has deep implications for the health and mental
well being
at both the micro- and macro- levels of society across the five domains
of
human experience that she outlines as “physical, psychological, social,
functional, and spiritual” (p. 47). She addresses the misguided
attitudes of
those who place responsibility on the individual and urges the
conversation be
re-directed to creative ways of combating the resulting problems of
racism, as
a way of beginning to eradicate it.
Secker
and Harding (2002) report on
users’ perceptions of an African and
Caribbean
mental health resource centre in Kensington and Chelsea, England that
Harrell
would probably support. The British seem to be more comfortable citing
evidence
of racism in their psychiatric system, the authors citing other works
that
indicate a higher rate of a diagnosis of schizophrenia for Black
people; that
Black people are more likely to be referred to services by the police;
and
Black people are more likely to be subjected to compulsory treatment in
institutions (p. 270). This particular resource center is offered as a
model. Its
goal is to help people deal with the problems associated with racism
and users
have a high regard for the program. They offer an innovative approach
to
addressing the effects of racism that would otherwise be reduced to a
“biological mental illness” or “brain disease”.
Hall and
Cheston (2002) argue that
the effects of a psychiatric label are
particularly
deleterious. They suggest, “negative stereotyping and exclusion from
valued
social roles have serious implications for the social identity of
people who
are regarded as having a mental illness” (p. 30). This is another paper
that
has come out of the United Kingdom. By and far, when it comes to
psychiatry and
race, some researchers in England seem to be quite progressive in their
thinking. They urge, “issues of identity and self-concept must be
included in
any evaluation of services, or the psychological needs of individuals”
(p. 40).
Cross and
Cross (2008) discuss
that Group Identity is born of Personal
Identity and
that the construal of the personal identity is deeply intertwined with
the idea
of security that comes from a loving, nurturing bond between baby and
mother. In
the typical trajectory, once personal identity is formed, one has
developed a
type of personal capital. This leads them to search for their reference
groups,
or group identity. Personal and Group identities must effect one’s
social
capital (Saegert, Thompson
and Warren, 2001).
If
trauma or abuse occurs prior to the development of personal and group
identity,
the normal trajectory is halted and the experiences forever changes the
course
of development. If a psychiatric label is attached to abuse or trauma,
this
enhances the break of normal development. Further, the construal of
personal
and group identity now are not consecutive developmental tasks. A
dynamic
relationship between the trauma, abuse and psychiatric label forms
between
personal and group identity, as if the person is a pinball stuck
between two
dividers, consistently bouncing back and forth, attempting to get out.
This
inability to construe the personal and group identity, particularly due
to the
psychiatric label, which offers a new “identity”, creates a situation
where a
person is oppressed. Only if a person can find, or is introduced to the
concepts of liberation from a psychiatric label, will they be able to
overcome the
oppression. I use Cross’ (1971)
five stages of liberation to illustrate
the
process. Depending where one is in the liberation process will
determine their
social and personal capital.
Littlewood
(1998) suggests that even though some
version of what we call
schizophrenia
exists all over the globe, different parts of the world address the
problems of
psychiatric diagnosis differently. For example, he cites a World Health
Organization study on schizophrenia that suggests, “fewer poor outcomes
for
people [patients] were found in developing countries” (p. 1056). His
conclusion
is that Western individualism makes for a poor prognosis, as the
responsibility
for the ‘illness’ is put squarely on the shoulders of the individual as
opposed
to society. What groups, and indeed, realms of society, people are
accepted
into and put out of, often determine their identity -- or
at least the
social
processes of labeling are involved with how we create our identities.
He
acknowledges that the outcome of psychiatric disorder is largely
dependent on
how the society views the disorder and that those who are in charge of
the
system and its treatments largely determine which psychological theory
it to be
utilized, which guides, and is guided by public opinion and confirms
Foucault’s
(1965) warning discussed earlier about
glorifying mythtical historical
figures
and their practices (p. 243). An important point that Littlewood makes
is that
there are limitations to cross-cultural study because of all of the
various
meanings attributed to the similar experiences; “Terms have to be
considered in
actual use: in one situation analogues of insane or mad may refer to
subjective
experience; in another to observed behavior” (p. 1057).
This
relates to the argument that Ertugrul and Ulug (2004) concerning the
perceptions
people who have been diagnosed with schizophrenia have about stigma. It
is
interesting, or sad, to see the difference between the ways stigma is
handled
in England as opposed to Turkey, where this article originated. It is
somewhat
horrifying and at points, it seems that eve though they write about the
effects
of stigma, they miss the point and do not understand it. Despite this,
they do
offer a valuable model that can be employed in a daily diary study.
Based on a
study concerning the stigma of epilepsy, they rely on Scambler and
Hopkins (1986; 1990) “hidden stress
model” to explain enacted and felt stigma (p. 74). Enacted Stigma can be defined as
actual discrimination experienced due to ‘illness’. Felt
Stigma, on the other
hand, is the self-imposed discrimination that one experiences from
oneself,
such as negative talk concerning their mental status. For example, “If I wasn’t so crazy then this would not
be happening.” This
model looks at the difference between felt and enacted stigma and
Etugrul and
Ulug (2004) “concluded that
felt stigma, and particularly the fear of enacted
stigma,
has a more disruptive effect on people’s biographies than enacted
stigma” (p.
74) suggesting the deep impact felt stigma has on the psyche. This
confirms the
idea that moves many of the restraint elimination efforts in facilities
that
are attempting to be progressive: witnessing violence is more damaging
than
experiencing it, because of the fear-factor it creates --
that this
could happen
to you -- coercive at its core.
How
people organize their identity, particularly concerning schizophrenia,
is the
subject of Finlay, Dinos and Lyons (2001) work. They begin
their
argument by
stating that many researchers have tried to make a connection between a
“chronic threat to self-esteem” and a psychiatric label. However, they
do not
see this as a valuable research strategy and suggest that research:
“Looking
downward, upward, and lateral comparisons in a sample of people with
schizophrenia may demonstrate the variety of ways in which the social
context
can be categorized as well as the ranges of identity dimensions that
are
presented as salient among stigmatized individuals.” (p. 580)
This
reverberates Cross’ earlier work and Cross and Cross’ (2008)
construal of the
self and begins to expand notions of the dimensionalized personality.
Further,
Finlay and colleagues stress that even though a bulk of the literature
on
identity of those with psychiatric disorders concerns self-esteem, like
with
African Americans, self-esteem is not a predictor of anything, least of
which
personal identity or group identity, again, reflecting Cross and
Cross’ work.
Finlay, Dinos and Lyons (2001) suggest
taking the approach of a “reciprocal
relationship
between
social categorization and social comparisons” (p. 581). They emphasize
that
what researchers see as categories may not match the reality of those
they wish
to understand. There is a warning to researchers not to make something
a
negative unless it comes from the population that it is negative.
Simply
because the researcher, in the presumed majority, does not understand
the
experience does not mean it is negative.
From the
perspective of environmental psychology, particularly concerning
research,
Finlay, et al address concerns about moving research out of the
laboratory into
the natural setting. Lewin’s field and action research with minority
groups
(1946, 1951)
set forth many of these issues. Finlay, Dinos
and Lyons (2001)
offer,
“research on
social comparisons in stigmatized groups illustrates that people still
have
ethnic, religious, familial, professional, and political identities”
(p. 581).
This is the epitome of group identity -- or reference group
orientation -- which
I have learned may change and is not dependent on personal identity.
Personal
Identity and Group Identity can be, as illustrated by Cross and Cross (2008),
arranged in matracies, literally giving dimension to the human
experience. This
is so much more valuable that simplistic models of research concerning
only
depression or self esteem outcomes could yield.
As Cross and Cross
point out, it is the self-concept, or one’s meaning making
system
that is under attack when research takes this singular, simplistic
approach
toward personality. The self-concept ought to be looked at from at
least two
perspectives, first an individual’s personal identity, second, his or
her group
identity. These can be organized in the form of a matrix, which
literally
dimensionalizes the personality, allowing the researcher to see
psychodynamic
relationships between different personality traits and reference
groups. It is
Doctor William Cross’ legacy of work that has helped me unpack this
complicated
process. In the next section, I look to Cross' earlier work on
developing a
Black Liberation Psychology.
Psychiatric
Slave No
More: Parallels to a Black Liberation Psychology
The Negro
to Black Conversion, William Cross
(1971), published seven years after
the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in Black World, outlines
a five-stage
liberation process that African Americans go through to achieve
Liberation -- if
they get to the second stage -- which is an encounter that
changes their
lives. While
there is something very real about this theory of liberation, the
reality is
frightening. This theory, to a large degree, relies on a chance
encounter of
such magnitude that it will inspire someone to overcome oppression.
This alone,
in a civil society that prides itself on liberty, might be enough
evidence for
situations and environments in which oppressed people exist to begin to
magnify
opportunities for liberation and denounce oppression. Of course, I have
been
asked, “Who among us is really liberated?” and to this I respond, “This
too,
must change. Do you fancy to have a Revolution here?”
The first
stage Cross outlines is the “pre-encounter” (p. 16). This is a time
where
people have low or no self-image, where “the other,” in this case, the
White
World, is deified, and the result is an active attempt at putting down
one’s
‘Blackness.’ In this stage, the focus is on the self -- and
in many ways
self-preservation (Hobbes, 1651). Though
a person might be aware of a
group,
the groups’ survival or success is not at hand (Cross, 1971, p. 16). The
overwhelming
attitude or atmosphere of the pre-encounter stage has a tension at its
root, a
rejection of one’s nature. Cross illustrates the impact of the
socio-cultural
environments on “pre-encounter Negroes” stating that they have an
“extreme
dependency on White leadership” and a “distrust of Black-controlled
businesses
or organizations” even preferring other labels to “Black” (p. 16).
When you
think of the active psychiatric slave, a psychiatric professional
patient,
survival, not progress is what is at hand. Under Cross’ theory,
pre-encounter
psychiatric slaves are those people who are still in search of being
fixed, or
targeted as those who accept a poor prognosis and idly sit by and
ascribe to a
medical model, which emphasizes their powerlessness and passivity.
Bombarded by
societal messages of the stereotypical mental patient, they succumb to
the
belief that they cannot finish school, obtain and retain employment,
housing,
families, and love. Broken by a system that requires compliance with
its
prescribed regimen the institution denies personal experience including
trauma
and creates professional patients (Auslander,
1998; Bassman, 2000; Clay, 1994; Tenney,
2000) -- or what I now refer to
as psychiatric
slaves.
In the
Introduction to Madness and Civilization,
Barchilon writes, “As the madman replaced the leper, the mentally ill
person
was now a subhuman and beastly scapegoat; hence the need to protect
others (p.
vii). Foucault writes this passage that deserves attention about how
skewed the
idea of liberation is:
The obscure
guilt that once linked transgression
and
unreason is thus shifted; that madman, as a human being originally
endowed with
reason, is no longer guilty of being mad; but the madman, as a madman,
and in
the interior of that disease of which he is no longer guilty, must feel
morally
responsible for everything within him that may disturb morality and
society,
and must hold no one but himself responsible for the punishment he
receives.”
(p.246)
Pre-encounter
psychiatric slaves are confined by a system that requires their
sickness to
survive as they blindly Thorazine-Shuffle
through their days. At this remark, one participant suggested that
there is a
wealth of information that the Federal Drug Administration has put out
in the
last several years concerning the newer pharmaceuticals --
a tremendous
issue in
psychiatric systems.
The second
stage of the conversion process is the “Encounter” -- that
thing that
jostles a
person to awareness of their Blackness. Cross (1971) suggests that it was an
experience that brings about the encounter that causes the self to
reassess (or
assess) its situation in relation to others who are similar (p.17).
Cross notes
the encounter is not about an intellectual exchange, but a feeling that
motivates people -- something that touches them at the core
of who they
are --
and gives them an idea of who they can be. He argues that for many
people of
color, the witnessing of Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.’s
assassination was
the encounter that got them thinking about the Black Power Movement. He
also
offers “a friend or loved one who is further advanced in the Black
Power
Movement could ‘turn a person on’ to his own Blackness” (p. 17).
Whereas in
the first stage the self is incredibly affected by society’s views, by
the
encounter stage, the self is not held powerless by her/his
surroundings, even
if horrified by them. In fact, Cross explains that this phase has two
steps:
first, the experience of the encounter itself and second, a
reinterpretation of
the world because of the encounter. Again, as a comparison, the
psychiatric
slave who is currently held involuntarily in a psychiatric facility has
the
ability to meet a peer advocate. “Recluse,” an “insider” from the
liberation
movement, warns that the term peer advocate embodies multiple meanings.
In this
sense we are referring to a person who is liberated from a life-long
diagnosis
of serious and persistent mental illness with a poor prognosis, due to
the
leverage of the ideas of “recovery,” or as suggested by George Ebert,
an
adviser to this project, -- “Mad Pride".
[14] Ebert found a document the very morning of our
conversation concerning
this
paragraph that addressed this very issue -- from the Mental Patients
Liberation
Project, Syracuse (Colletti,1972):
We are saying the
people must no longer suffer denigration in the name
of diagnosis and persecution in the name of prognosis; we are saying no
more
shall we pretend that the jailers of the people are the healers of the
people.
(p. 2)
Te
pre-encounter self, having met such a person on the front line as a
“peer”, who
shared a label s/he has been subjugated to, now in a position of power
inside
of the institution who has given him/her a new piece of information
about this
thing called recovery, or Mad Pride -- or advocacy --
has had the
possibility of
the encounter. Though possibly distrustful of such a notion at first,
s/he will
question why s/he couldn’t be liberated - a survivor, just like the
peer
advocate. Another “insider” involved with the Movement, with no name,
urged me
to clarify, that I am in no way referring to the peer-operated industry
but a
true experience shared by two people; one who acts at the others
wishes,
despite any potential personal repercussions. I found this passage from
Phebe
Davis (1855) expose of her stay the
Utica Lunatic Asylum, where the The Opal (1851-1860)
was published, to
be an excellent illustration:
There she was, and no
one to speak for her; but at length another
patient who was more capable saw the daughter alone for a moment, to
who she
whispered and told her to take her mother home with her with which
request she
complied. It is dangerous even for one patient to interest herself in
the
welfare of another patient unless it is a benefit to the house. (p. 78)
The same as the person
who will challenge him/herself
and begin to explore and learn about the Black Power Movement, and its
history,
the psychiatric slave begins to ask him/herself challenging questions.
“Do I
really need this medication?” Or “Can I survive in society?” What if
“Can I
survive in society with supports of my choosing and reasonable
accommodations?”
and “Why am I here, anyway”? Cross offers that in this stage the person
can
only compare to what they knew before, that is their pre-encounter
selves and
often guilt, internalized and externalized anger as it is realized that
he or
she has been ‘programmed or brainwashed’ are often responses. The
person
emerging from the encounter stage is filled with Black rage and guilt,
and
compelled to find him/herself. Cross states, “A ‘Negro’ is dying and a
‘Black
American’ is being resurrected” (p. 18). The mental patient too puts
all faults
with the system, creates a backlash against psychiatry, and searches
herself
for who she is, not as a patient -- a psychiatric slave --
but as a
survivor.
Cross’ (1971) interpretation
of stage three is brilliant. He
suggests it be called “Immersion-Emersion” (p. 18). In this one stage
the
person, the self, is completely engaged, swallowed even, by their rage
and
movement toward liberation, however, the survivor must come out of that
deep-seated intensity, if s/he is to move on. In this third stage, it’s
almost
as if the person builds a quasi-environment around themselves; “the
experience
is an immersion into Blackness and a liberation from Whiteness” (p.
18). The
immersion is powerful with the person being “energized by Black rage,
guilt and
a third new fuel, a developing sense of pride” (p. 18). In the
immersion phase
the white world and people are vilified -- dehumanized and
the “Black
person and
Black world are deified” (p. 18). The self undergoes a transformation
in how
she reacts to herself; ‘Black is Beautiful’ and what once was hidden or
an
embarrassment is now amplified.
This process has been
seen in the psychiatric slave who
is in the immersion into personhood as well. Doctors become “shrinks,”
medication becomes “poison,” grandiosity become dreams and goals
(Knight), and
those who were annoying other patients before the encounter, now are
peers --
“brother and sister lunatics” as written by the Editor of The Opal in
the
1850s. Cross keys that it is in the immersion phase that the language
begins to
change also, “The word ‘Negro’ is dropped and the person becomes an
Afro-American,
Black, Black-American, or even African” (p. 18). Concurrent with the
psychiatric slave undergoing change, they become a recipient, consumer,
survivor, ex-patient, peer, or even a person -- a human
being. It is in
this
phase, and maybe what moves one from immersion to emersion that,
according to
Cross, people become creative, using the arts as way of expressing
their
newfound selves. There are too many creative works of art, literature,
music,
and performance to list done by this community of people and it
deserves
attention (Bluebird, G.
& Schell, B.J.).
It is also in this
stage, the immersion-emersion stage
when activists come to be as a “need to confront the ‘man’” becomes
important.
Cross states, “When this impulse is coupled with a revolutionary
rhetoric and
program, a Black Panther is born” (p. 19). The violent overthrow of the
oppressor, as Fanon had suggested is explored, according to Cross, in a
daydream-like manner, “Kill Whitey fantasies appear to be experienced
by Black
people regardless of age, sex, or class background” (p. 19). Referring
to the
doctors, Davis (1855) writes,
“Are the only ones that
ever I felt
as though I could see executed. But I do feel it would relieve any
feelings of
a great burden to see them swinging off, and I was not alone in feeling
so
while in the institution.” (p. 46)
However, Cross (1971) reports
that people rarely act on these
fantasies and that Black para-military groups “never devote themselves
to the
Fanon model suggests that paradigm may not be adequate (practical) for
inclusion
in strategizing for Afro-American liberation” (p. 19). Oaks (2005) call
for a
“non-violent revolution in mental health” might also answer some of
these
concerns about appearing militant or in any way mixing an already
stigmatized
people with potential acts of violence. Certainly, this way of thinking
falls
into Alinsky’s (1971) model of
pragmatic radicalism.
At this third stage
also, a “Blacker than thou mindset”
(Cross, 1971, p. 20) can grow and
everyone is neatly pigeonholed into different
groups. Cross
states, “Labeling others helps the person clarify his own identity” (p.
20). However,
this labeling is stereotyping people and racist. What the person is
trying to
do is ensure that they are the best Black person they can be
-- that
their
“Blackness is pure and acceptable” (p. 20). Certainly in this Movement of Many Names (Tenney,
2006)
labeling each other and ourselves occasionally takes a good deal of
time. Some
argue it is important to have the groups clearly defined; consumers
often want
better or more services while those who are survivors of treatment
often want
to see the system dismantled. Getting over this and coming together to
work on
shared interest, like eliminating the use of restraints, seclusion, and
forced
psychiatric drugs and electroconvulsive treatment is a challenge that,
in many
ways, we see New Yorkers in the Movement meet. What is happening,
according to
Cross (1971) is the person “shifts
preference from individualism to mutualism
or
collectivism” (p. 20). The self moves from concern for herself to
concern for
her people. This Cross says is the zenith of the third stage where the
person
moves from total immersion to emersion.
This is the brilliance
in Cross’ outline of the
liberation process. Cross acknowledges that the immersion stage is
intense: the
self becomes overwhelmed by a prolific sense of right --
led by rage and
guilt. If
the self can fill itself, creatively work out the angst and pain caused
by the
situation it has been in, separate itself from others, and from itself
and
maintain an interest in the collective of which it is, but one, the
self
emerges “from the dead-end, either/or racist, oversimplified aspects of
the
immersion experience” that Cross describes (p. 20). The self begins to level-off. This process of complete
emersion from the immersion is tumultuous -- it’s
emotionally draining,
though
often exhilarating.
Leaders of
movements can guide others to experience the larger environments, which
begin
to come into view. Certainly, the larger systems in which the self
operates are
now the target for change. “Black rage with reason” (p. 20) leads the
person
through the examination of the worlds in which s/he is discovering s/he
exists.
This is analogous to the psychiatric slave emerging from his/her
process of
immersion into survivor-hood, or even into consumer mentality, as a
peer. Suddenly,
there is awareness that the “hospital” has rules that it must follow
that are
created by people who work for the local, state and federal governments
with no
training in “mental health,” yet operate, regulate, and evaluate the
“mental
health system” which is jargon for the psychiatric system (Declaration
of
Principles, 1982).
This rising
person develops awareness that there are some medications that are
given
because pharmaceutical companies give incentives to institutions for
using
their drugs. . . Awareness that all pharmaceuticals are labeled with
warnings
that people are not being given. . . Awareness that it is not just the
nurse
that called the “Code” to begin a restraint take down that is the
problem, but
that there is a whole entire system devoted to maintaining the status
quo. This
person comes together with other like-minded people who have had a
shared
experience to affect policy and hope to prevent others from
experiencing it in
the future. Cross states (1971),
“When control, awareness and incorporation
predominate, the person is progressing into the fourth stage” (p. 21).
For Cross, the fourth
stage, internalization is the most
difficult for the self to achieve. He also says it is the most
difficult to
explain, “because the events that occur in the immersion-emersion stage
may
frustrate or inspire an individual” (p 21). The self may never come out
of the
third stage, because of disappointment, rejection, or a fixation of
what
happened to them -- what type of access a person has
financially,
emotionally,
socially, etc., affects the outcome. For many this move into the fourth
stage
of Liberation is like Kierkegaard’s leap of faith and where one lands
effects
the outcome. Let’s not fool ourselves for one second, money, power,
role,
position, class, gender, religion, age, sexual identity, and race
-- all
of
these factors effect how the person survives outside the walls.
The reason for failure
at this stage is that “‘Black is
beautiful’ becomes an end in itself rather than the source of
motivation for
improving one’s skills or for a deeper understanding of the Black
condition”
(p. 22). Combating this becomes crucial if the self is to come through
this
fourth stage of internalization, if the self is to become active in the
movement, lead others to learning how to redefine themselves, the self
must
change the way it views itself, in its internal environment. “In fact,”
Cross
writes, “Black revolutionary changes may only be possible after Black
people
have been exposed to a more positive perception of themselves” (p. 22).
This poem, written by
one Opalian urges fellow inmates
to follow the lead of trying to get out and exhibits signs of the
fourth stage,
internalization:
Do As Well As You Can.
Do as well as you can,
And hope for the best,
Leave fate then to plan,
And divine for the rest;
Do as well as you can,
Nor venture without;
All your life ever scan,
Thus to grapple with doubt.
Do as well as you can,
And you’ll do well enough;
Unless you do so,
Life will all be to rough:
Do as well as you can,
And banish all fear;
Do as well as you can,
And dry every tear.
27 Oct., 1851 A.W.L.S.
(The Opal, 1851, p. 88)
Just because the self
has a new sense -- awareness -- does
not mean s/he will immediately possess a political sense --
though there
may now
be an interest whereas before there was none. Cross urges Black
planners and
leaders to take this into account, so too have those working for the
liberation
of those involved with psychiatry realize that even though people can
be led to
liberation, Mad Pride or even “recovery,” does not mean that they will
want to
experience it, or put in the work required to achieve it. In review of
this,
one participant, who also chose to go unnamed, acknowledged the
problems of
consumerism, but defended people who are consumers saying,
“It is very difficult
to survive in
this society -- and there are certain things I cannot
do -- it took me a
long
time to find a job that would allow me both my expertise and
eccentricities -- as
a consumer, a lot of those fears are calmed by the impoverished life
the title
“mental patient” affords you. (Anonymous Participant, Can You Dig It,
2005)
The leaders of
liberation movements must appreciate the
anxiety and outright fear that comes along with change. Surely, James
(1890)
noted what the process of taking in new view entailed - a slow
assimilation of
information, until it becomes accepted as new knowledge. Alinsky (1971)
wrote
that people “need a bridge to cross from their own experience to a new
way” (p.
xxi). Cross does not limit liberation to obtaining new knowledge.
Rather,
liberation creates new identities. He termed some of the anxiety that
comes
when a person begins to “change his identity” Weusi Anxiety, meaning
anxiety
over Blackness. For if the self has only known one existence, changing
into a
radically different identity can halt the process or shift into a
multi-dimensional reality where the self exists in all of the realms in
the
environment: social, economic, political, spiritual, physical, sexual,
educational, etc. Cross explains how one moves in this fourth stage
from “rage
toward White people to controlled, felt and conscious anger toward
oppressive
and racist institutions” (p. 22). The focus goes postmodern, from the
individual
to the society, looking at the larger imprints of the macrosystem on
the
microsystem and everything in between (Bronfenbrenner,
1979) and this
is
largely the focus of the fifth and final stage,
internalization-commitment.
Cross’ fifth stage is
characterized by the idea that “He
is going beyond rhetoric and into action and defines change in terms of
the
masses of Black people rather than the advancement of the few” (p. 23)
and
emphasizes the importance of looking beyond Western thought. This is
most interesting,
and it seems to be a theme among liberation movements, that the final
stage
begins with the person becoming a scholar. Yet, Cross rails against
academia
for not allowing the Black voice and states, “In essence, the Negro
Western
scholar seeks continued sophistication of intellect as he prays for
emotional
impotence” (p. 23).
The self goes from
pre-encounter to encounter, passes
into the immersion-emersion stage, and according to Cross, if the self
can make
it through the most difficult stage, internalization, the self will
have
experienced a new environment as he or she fulfills the
internalization-commitment stage. In this fifth stage, Cross discussed
the
challenges “Black Researchers” faced in academia.
For months, I had been
asking for an explanation of why
I cannot draw upon my personal history as a tool when others discuss
factors of
their lives without question. Finally I was given a pragmatic answer
and told,
“Because it makes people uncomfortable.” I never understood that
before. It was
so clear, and like many things of a pragmatic nature, upsetting. It was
probably the most useful piece of information I have gathered to make
sense of
my academic environment. I did not take it personally, but for a
second, my
reaction was, I am sorry my “psychiatric history” makes others
uncomfortable.
If I were blind, or physically (dis)abled, perhaps, I would not have to
clarify
it; it would be out in the open and accepted (yet perhaps an
uncomfortable
reality). However, this “psychiatric label”, this is my “private
(dis)ability”
and the message I receive from my collective environments is it should
remain
that way. Like people of color, and women, gay, lesbian, bisexual and
transgender people, and other groups who are or have been oppressed, I
have trouble
accepting that. I am not alone.
How the self is
perceived is highly influenced by
society’s view of the group in which one exists. The way Black people
were
viewed, influenced how it is Black people viewed themselves. Changing
the way
Black people viewed themselves, in part, required society to change. I
think as
Cross has significantly laid out the battle for the liberation of a
people, it
is easily, eerily, followed by other oppressed groups.
Future
Work
My
future work is carved out by utilizing Audrey Cohen’s (1978) theory of a
dimensionalized, interdisciplinary approach to solving problems, which
is
accomplished by a person taking a Constructive Action. Once a goal,
objectives,
and strategies have been established for a Constructive Action, one
must view
the problem through the dimensions of the self and others; values;
systems; and
skills and re-create the Constructive Action based on these findings.
The Self
and Others dimension is concerned with a reflexive process, where the
person
examines the human relationships he or she is encountering, paying
specific
attention to different cultures and creating a true competence for
interacting
in a multicultural world. The Values dimension asks the person to
consider
values on an individual and systemic level that may be consciously or
unconsciously fostering prejudices or moving projects in a way that is
trapped
within outdated mores. The Systems dimension requires the person to
examine
systems involved with the problem, taking an ecological approach toward
how the
source and point of the problem interact with systems of education,
government,
religion, sexuality, politics, etc. Finally, the Skills dimension
focuses
on what types of skills a person needs to develop and cultivate to meet
the
requirements of successfully carrying out the Constructive Action.
Concerning
Self Others: I have not explicitly discussed the other side of
stigma in
this paper and intend to do so in future work. The other side of stigma
includes the idea of the immersion-emersion stage (Cross, 1971; 1991)
as a
point where a “Black Panther” or member of the Psychiatric Survivors
Liberation
Movement can be born. I also have not discussed any of the resiliency
literature -- the idea that people are like rubber bands
and can snap
back to
their original elasticity despite the horrendous stressors they are
under. This
moves us into a discussion of evidence of the positive influence of
stigma for
some as a motivating factor (Goffman, 1963;
Herman and Miall, 1990)
and the
concept of “Mad Pride” as discussed by George Ebert of the Mental
Patients
Liberation Alliance and David Oaks, of MindFreedom International.
Concerning
Systems: This future work expands the focus of future research by
addressing
economics (Sen, 1970; Hopper
and Bergstresser, 2007) through
capabilities
theory. It also moves from the neoliberal attitude that places the
fault of the
problem within the individual on the micro-system to finding solutions
and
fixing problems at the meso-, exo- and macro- systems in which a person
exists,
using the idea of Bronfenbrenner’s, (1979)
Transforming
Experiment --
where we --
those effected by the problems created by psychiatric systems, are in
fact, the
designers, researchers, and analyzers of issues that affect us. Issues
of
social capital and the level of impact that support networks and
restorative
environments have on an individual will also be explored (Saegert,
Thompson, Warren, 2001; Wandersman and Nation, 1998) Paying
attention to the larger systems with
which we are all
involved will be key. As future research concerning potential racial
disparities in involuntary psychiatric treatment, identity, and
liberation
evolves I will continue to utilize participatory action research with
emancipatory underpinnings.
Concerning
Values: Cooper (2007) writes, “It is
true that
these groups are and have been oppressed” but argues that the
oppression is not
linked to our capitalist society saying,
“I conclude that
full-bloodied Marxist of
feminist versions
of standpoint epistemology cannot be straightforwardly extended to the
case of
disabled people/Deaf people/Mental Health Users." [15]
This
sentiment is at the core of my future work concerning
the psychiatric industry and pharmaceutical companies and I
respectfully
but emphatically disagree. “Can You Dig It?” the research that spurred
this
review of the literature and paper, was “participatory action research
with
emancipatory underpinnings” and feminist in nature (Tenney, 2006).
I am a psychiatric survivor. Cooper’s
statement illustrates a deep stigma that must be erased because
discrimination
ensues creating parlous conditions.
Also of
concern to values are some of the responses I have
gotten from people when discussing this paper. More often than I care
to
report, this work has spurred people to suggest that I am racist
against white
people and created racist responses toward African Americans. As much
as I have
been appalled to learn the racialized aspect of psychiatry, I am even
more
appalled by the level of racism in individuals I have encountered. I am
concerned that the responses to this work are so close to the responses
of the
Sixth Census where the data was used as a pro-slavery propaganda. I
understand
there is little that can be done to control the way people use
information and
in conversations with many multicultural experts, they have urged me to
put
forth this work. In future work, I intend on exploring this further.
Concerning
Skills: In one of my peers readings of this work it was also suggested
to
continue exploring the deep history of failure that as a society we
had, in the
period of time after Slavery’s abolishment. Certainly, the failures of
Reconstruction can be found in the works of many (Butchart,
1980). My archival work is turning to
this period and continues to find and explore parallel paths taken in
the
abolishment of Slavery and establishment of Reconstruction and the
abolishment
of the Asylum System and the creation of State Hospital System, which
was
eventually overturned for the modern day Psychiatric System. Gerald
Grob’s
historical body of work on Edward Jarvis’ legacy, epidemiology, and
public
policy work demands my further exploration as do the inquiries Link has
made
into psychiatric epidemiology, social economic impact, coercive
psychiatric treatment,
and stigma. Further
exploring the bodies of work of Gerald Grob, Bruce Link, Rachel Cooper,
and
Michel Foucault will be key to this undertaking.
Concerning
the Constructive Action: The denial and cover-up of the impact of
psychiatry as
a social structure that works to keep a class of people under control
must be
further investigated, and if I ever get IRB approval [16],
I will do so.
Conclusion
This
review process demonstrates that the experience of being bombarded by
years of
oppression -- like a constant blunting of the lived
experience -- has an
effect
on the one’s outlook of their lived experience. Researchers attempt to
simplify
the human experience through the use of labels, which at best, further
trivializes, or at worst, totally misrepresents an individual’s meaning
making
system as disordered, often citing an unfounded brain disease. All of
this
research suggests that when members of a stigmatized population
encounter daily
discrimination, stress is increased, despite anecdotal evidence of
individuals
who have made their life rich despite being under oppressive
conditions. For
people who are members of several stigmatized groups, it is even more
important
to look at their personal identity and group identity to gain a full
understanding of the way they operate in the world and what they think
ought to
be done to change the conditions to which they are subjected.
It is
readily apparent that there are clear-cut disparities when it comes to
race,
class, gender and age. While government entities and researchers have
discussed
that these disparities include lack of access to needed medical
services, I
argue that these disparities also include higher rates of compulsory
psychiatric treatment in highly manipulated and surveilled
environments. These
disparities include actual treatment(s) and the role one has within the
ancient
asylum or modern day psychiatric systems. Whether it is the Commission
on
Lunacy or the Office of Mental Health if the names change and the
practices do
not, the results will not change.
As we are,
in fact, having a Revolution here, we will make deeper connections,
find more
ironies, and learn more of how as a people those who have been
psychiatrically
labeled not only survive but also flourish after the shackles of
psychiatry
have been broken. For now, what has been presented is a good starting
point for
parallels of a professional patient, or psychiatric slave, breaking
free from
oppression of a psychiatric system and Nigrescence Theory. I want to
re-assert
that I do not use these words lightly at all and understand the deep
implications that they hold. I believe the situation warrants these
words’
strength. Psychiatric Slavery is alive and well on Planet Earth and for
centuries it has been the mission of many who have been subjected to
the
practices, regardless of their names, to abolish them.
I conclude with Phebe Davis'
words and
echo her call, which illustrate that we have come some way in this
movement for
our human rights. However, we still have so long a way to go. In her
expose of her
two year three month stay at the Utica State Lunatic Asylum Davis wrote
hopefully:
And the time
is not far distant when we shall all cut loose from crazy houses, and
straps,
and belts, and waists, and muffs, and mitts, and cribs, and bedstraps
and twisting
of arms, and smothering huts, and drownings” (1855, p. 80).
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Notes
[i]
This
work is feminist in that the personal is political, educational, and
researchable.
My life experiences deeply affect my work and I am brutally honest
about my
motivations. Through advocacy and activism I have been involved in
since 1992,
my personal experiences have to some degree been shaping New York State
Regulation and Policy through the New York State Office of Mental
Health (OMH)
and to a lesser degree, the Vocational and Educational Services for
Individuals
with Disabilities (VESID) of the New York State Education Department.
Campbell,
Ruth, Glover (1993) discuss the “lab rat to researcher”
phenomenon and it
inspired me to get an education. I am not a researcher who has a
psychiatric
history, but a person who has a psychiatric history that is trying to
figure
out what researchers are talking about. The opportunity to reach an
audience of
psychologists and those who are interested in radical psychology, who
question
practices, has been exciting. I am grateful for the opportunity to
further
define my position in this forum.
[ii]
William
Samuels, PhD and Joseph Glick, PhD who are aiding me with understanding
statistics were incredibly patient and thoughtful while me represent my
findings and I am indebted to them for the knowledge and the skills
they have
helped me acquire.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dr. William E. Cross,
Jr. for his many reviews of this work and guidance during its
preparation. I would also like to thank Deborah Baker, Celia
Brown, David Chapin, Architect, Amy Colesante, Eva Dech, George Ebert,
Michael Fields, Joseph Glick, PhD, Daniel Hazen, Vanessa Jackson,
LCSW, d.a. Johnson, Sabrina Johnson, David Oaks, Stephanie
Orlando, Susan Saegert, Ph.D, William Samuels, PhD, Dally Sanchez,
and Carlton Whitmore, for their guidance concerning the
presentation of these materials. Heartfelt thanks to Martin Downing for
assisting with his editorial eye. Finally, I would like to thank the
Journal of Radical Psychology for looking beyond my writing (which I
continue to strive to improve) to the ideas which I am attempting to
present.
Biographical
Note:
Lauren Tenney, a psychiatric survivor, holds a master's degree in
public administration and is currently a provost's fellow in the
doctoral program in Environmental Psychology at the Graduate School and
University Center, City University of New York where she is conducting
partcipatory action research on The Opal. She is an active member of
the Mental Patients Liberation Alliance and MindFreedom International.
Contact: Lauren J. Tenney, MA, MPA,
Psychiatric
Survivor. www.theopalproject.org
lauren@theopalproject.org